| INTERVIEW >
Petr Gandalovič: A zero-tolerance policy
Written by: Petr Poledňák
Photo by: Vojtěch Vlk
As the Czech General Consul in New York, he lived through
the nerve-wracking aftermath of 9/11. After coming home to Ústí
nad Labem, he helped build ramparts against the floods. Two months
later he was elected Lord Mayor of the city.
People in this country are generally allergic to
the experiences of outsiders. How does one become
Lord Mayor of a city where he hasn't lived in ten
years and who spent five years overseas?
Sometime before the end of my term in New York members
of the Ústí nad Labem ODS leadership asked me to
run for Lord Mayor. I think it was because of some
of my statements on improving the city's safety and
economic prosperity. I was inspired by how Mayor
Giuliani had managed to totally change New York's
image, and I spoke about it constantly.
You used the motto "zero tolerance“, which you borrowed
from Giuliani, in your election campaign. But do New York and Ústí
nad Labem have any similarities?
You can't compare them, but they share many similar issues. The
main problem was safety, the general feeling of uncertainty - drug
dealers in the streets, constant disruptions and petty crime, many
people living on social support for years. This had a very negative
impact on the city's image. Giuliani came up with a zero tolerance
policy, sometimes also called the broken window policy. According
to this theory, it is necessary to deal firmly with any disruptions
of the public order, because one must create an atmosphere in which
the interests of honest citizens supersede criminal behavior. New
York was the "capital of crime and social support“, and the
same could be said of Ústí. From the very start I strived to restore
a feeling of safety among the citizenry.
Nowhere else in the world do so many nationalities and
races coexist as in New York. While you were there, what did
you think of "your
Ústí“ entering world history with its unique Matiční Wall, which
your predecessor built to separate "white“ homeowners from
Roma neighbors?
Ethnically, Ústí is one of the most complex cities in this country,
but it has never had true racism or racially motivated crimes.
The Matiční affair was always about local order and coexistence
of socially different citizen groups. Cases when a certain quarter
deteriorates because socially weak and problematic citizens start
moving there for some reason are universal. The original residents
can either leave under conditions when their property cannot realistically
be sold, or demand that the city restore order. This was the case
of the residents of Matiční, where conditions were worsened by
an influx of families whose rents were in arrears. So City Hall
decided to separate the two groups somehow - with a fence, or a
wall.
Not everyone knows that Ústí is marvelously scenic, lying
in a dramatic canyon of the Labe. But everyone knows that Ústí
was devastated
by industry and has a "special demographic mix of residents“.
Do you have a good solution that's more than a political proclamation?
Ústí will never be able to compete with picturesque, historical
cities. The bombing at the end of the war and the razing of the
center by the communists caused irreparable damage. Now we're trying
to gradually rebuild the center, but we want to do it sensitively,
and we place great requirements on investors, so it isn't going
as quickly as we'd like. But Ústí's beauty was always that it provided
opportunities to those who dared to come. They usually reached
positions in their work that they would have had to wait far longer
for where they came from. Interesting countryside by itself cannot
attract specialists, but it can serve as a factor in deciding when
opportunities arise. Most of those people lead active lives, and
the possibility of biking to the mountains in twenty minutes can
also be important to them.
Decide about what opportunities specifically?
Foreign investors are coming, and thanks to our EU accession and
the new highway to Germany, the city is starting to develop as
a true regional center. Ústí is now associated with global companies
like Kone, Arcelor, and Black and Decker. Serious talk is beginning
about a 100-hectare zone by the highway, near the border, to
provide space for light industry, research and development, and
logistics.
| A
life in numbers |
| 1964 |
born on August 15
in Prague |
| 1987-90 |
graduated
from the Charles University School of Mathematics and
Physics and became a high school teacher in Ústí nad
Labem |
| 1990-92 |
served as a deputy
in the ČSFR Federal Assembly |
| 1992-94 |
appointed
as deputy environmental minister |
| 1994-97 |
served as advisor
to the foreign affairs minister and then as senior
director at the foreign affairs ministry |
| 1997-2002 |
was entrusted
to renew the Czech General Consulate in New York and
named First Consul |
| 2002 |
elected Lord Mayor of Ústí nad
Labem |
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But what about Spolchemie, which constantly brings the
city negative publicity? None of the Lord Mayors have succeeded
in moving the
factory outside the city's "walls“. What's your solution?
Spolchemie occupies dozens of hectares near the city center. Eliminating
it would mean not only the loss of jobs, it would mainly leave
a vast polluted area, and no one could afford a clean-up. I support
a solution whereby operations that pose a danger to the city are
phased out, and investments are gradually made in new technologies.
Already the production program is based mainly on the modern production
of resins. Hardly anyone knows that their laminated boats or windsurfing
boards can be made with substances made in Ústí.
The Ústí region lies in the former Sudetenland. The issue of the
expulsions and the Beneš decrees live on. Does this directly effect
you?
It's little-known that Ústí residents were holdouts in their inclination
towards Henlei-nism, and that Ústí's Lord Mayor Pölzl was known
for his anti-fascist positions. We all agree that the tragic aspects
of our common history can't be lived down. We must discuss them
and stress the positive things through which we affected each other.
An investigation is slated to be conducted by a new institution
whose working name is Collegium Bohemicum.
You're also the ODS shadow minister for regional development.
People follow the work of the real ministers every day in the media,
but they don't know much about the shadow ministers. How would
you describe your "shadow“ work?
The shadow government's main task is preparing conceptual materials
in individual areas of public life for potential use instead of
current government policy. In most cases the issues are complex
and thus not as attractive for the media as individual scandals
or powerful proclamations. But I'm glad that there's time to thoroughly
discuss individual problems in the shadow government. It's simple
to say what I don't want, but proposing realistic solutions is
more complicated. But you're right, people should know more about
the shadow ministers.
In the 2006 elections at the latest you'll be facing your next
crossroads in life: to continue in community politics, or shift
to politics at the highest level.
That question is premature. I have lots of work ahead in Ústí.
But entering national politics wouldn't be anything new for me
- in the early nineties I had a chance to try it. I know that some
things can't be changed without influencing central politics. I'll
just have to weigh all the arguments.
Where do you see yourself in ten years?
My whole life I have been used to taking opportunities as they
come, not to plan life in five-year-terms. So in ten years -
at least I hope - I will still be doing something good and meaningful.
How would you describe yourself?
An optimist who accepts challenges.
How would you want people to remember you?
As someone who took things serously and who managed to do at least
part of he set out to do.
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